By Matthew Parish
Following the brutal wars which raged within the former Yugoslavia within the early Nineties, Bosnia and Herzegovina was once awkwardly partitioned into governing entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. yet there has been one a part of the rustic that may no longer be geared up into both classification: the Breko District, a strategically severe land-bridge among the 2 components of the Bosnian Serb territory. This quarter was once the topic of a hugely strange test: put below a regime of the world over supervised executive, Breko turned a ""free city,"" evoking the reminiscence of Trieste or Danzig within the nineteenth century. What has this scan in state-building printed in regards to the heritage of this nook of the Balkans - and its destiny? What classes may be utilized to clash solution in different components of the area? And was once the scan winning or have the electorate of Breko suffered additional by the hands of the overseas neighborhood? A loose urban within the Balkans investigates the increase and fall of Breko and post-war Bosnia and investigates what classes should be discovered for foreign peacekeeping missions elsewhere.
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Extra resources for A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies)
These criticisms are probably also unfair. The partition theorist’s response is that commission of war crimes, like any criminal act, is a matter for criminal prosecution of those responsible. The partition theorist is not legitimising war crimes against civilians, and where they occur they should be punished. But a sense of moral outrage at the crimes committed in a civil war should not blind the policymaker to the steps necessary to end that civil war once it has begun and those atrocities have been committed.
But by 1998, the international community had committed itself to a broad state-building project, in which state laws and central institutions would be created from scratch and the local, highly federalised system of government anticipated by Dayton would be undermined. At what point, then, was the insight lost that partition would be best? And was it a good thing that it was? Writing this in early 2008, the answer is very unclear. In Brčko, the subject of the most focused and successful effort in the entire country to reintegrate, this question reaches its zenith.
The security dilemma – which by the time a civil war is in full swing is entirely rational – cannot be overcome. Interethnic cooperation will become impossible, because each party to any individual potential cooperation agreement will inevitably ask whether that cooperation could be used to oppress or harm him further. Thus representatives of each ethnic group will use every political negotiation as an opportunity to achieve an advantage over the other, and to resolve the security dilemma for that group.
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