By Daniel A. Sabatier

Even though loeal governments have commonly exereised virtually specific regula­ tory eontrol over land improvement inside of their jurisdictions, in the course of the Nineteen Seventies kingdom governments started to amass eonsiderablc authority over loeal land use deeisions. experiences of the implementation of those new courses, although, have typically had the drawbacks of no longer being built-in into theoretieal litera­ tures within the soeial seien ces and struggling with gigantic mcthodologieal prob­ lems. at the foundation of a assessment of literatures on poliey making through regulatory ageneies, the implementation of federal soeialldistributive courses, and the situational variables affecting ageney habit, during this learn we enhance a normal eoneeptual framework of the implementation proeess of regulatory statutes. The framework is then utilized to the implementation of 1 of the extra novel and eomprehensive state-levclland use statutes, the California Coastal region Conser­ vati on Act of 1972. during this project we reeeived eonsiderable assistanee within the layout degree and later in overview of initial drafts of our document from aNational Advisory Committee eomposed of folks actively all for the implementation ofland use poliey, representatives of teams stricken by land use legislation, and seholars within the box. For serving at the eommittee we're indebted to James Carroll, California Couneil for Environmental and Eeonomie stability; Paul Culhane, division of Politieal Seience, U niversity of Houston; provide Dehart, workplace of Coastal sector administration, Washington, D. C.

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Extra info for Can Regulation Work?: The Implementation of the 1972 California Coastal Initiative

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Yet in the North Central region, which included the San Francisco Bay arca, the figure dropped to 176 thousand acres. In thc rapidly growing San Diego area-the second most populated coastal region-the state owned only 91 thousand acres. And as for the most populous South Coast region, the state owned a mere 110 thousand acres. 15 Third, public beaches in Los Angeles and Orange counties usually did not have sufficient on-site parking to handle the million or so users on summer weekends. While users had previously parked in the adjacent ncighborhoods, this was becoming increasingly difficult because of the gradual convcrsion of many neighborhoods to high-density commcrcial and apartment complexes.

Far the argument concerning declining support among legislative sovereigns over time, see Barry Weingast, A Positive Model of Publie Poliey Fonnulation, Warking Paper No. 25 (St. Louis: Center for the Study of Ameriean Business, 1978). , subsidies and tax incentives) to the most voeiferous ar adversely affected members of target groups. 49. For examples of the effects of variation in local support on the implementation of federal programs, see Murphy, "TitIe I of ESEA," pp. 35-63; Rodgers and Bullock, Coereion to Complianee, chaps.

COAP did, however, result in the gathering of a large amount of data on coastal resomees that was subsequently utilized by the commissions established by the 1972 Coastal Initiative. The first serious efforts to establish statelregional review of local land use deeisions occurred during the 1970 session of the legislature. 32 Fom bills were introduced, aB of them modeled to some extent after BCDC. Three of them (AB 730, Sieroty, Dem-Los Angeles; AB 640, Milias, Rep-Santa Clara County; and SB 371, Nejedly, Rep-Contra Costa County) would have ereated astate coastal eommission and several regional commissions with large (30-40) memberships more or less equaBy divided between 10cal officials, on the one hand, and state officials and "public" members, on the other.

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Can Regulation Work?: The Implementation of the 1972 by Daniel A. Sabatier
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