By Samir Kumar Das
This monograph examines the position of civil society teams in peace development in 3 clash areas in India's Northeast--Assam, Naga Hills/Nagaland, and Mizo Hills/Mizoram. those political conflicts are complicated with each one clash representing a cacophony of competing, frequently zero-sum calls for. In investigating the function of civil society teams, the learn distinguishes among legit (between the govt of India and likely rebel agencies) and unofficial peace strategies on the neighborhood point that makes coexistence of numerous groups attainable regardless of the continued violence. those tactics replicate very alternative ways of addressing clash and defining the function of civil society teams in peace development. within the reliable peace strategy, the position of civil society teams is to carry opponents to the negotiating desk, set forth almost certainly agreeable ceasefire phrases, and recommend attainable settlements. The emphasis is on discovering suggestions on the macro point within the trust that payment also will bring about solution of micro point difficulties. against this the position of civil society teams within the unofficial techniques is to continually negotiate throughout ethnic limitations and give the chance for rival groups to dwell jointly within the similar village, locality, or local. Compromise is needed at each point for clash solution. well known tasks additionally aid insulate the overall inhabitants from insurgent teams. The professional and unofficial peace procedures frequently continue on parallel tracks with minimal influence on one another. it can be crucial for the 2 techniques to be hooked up. For civil society teams to be more beneficial in peace development, they have to be socially built-in and boost synergy with different ingredients and stakeholders.
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Additional resources for Conflict and Peace in India's Northeast: The Role of Civil Society
The deadlock could never be resolved, and the agreement for all practical purposes turned out to be a non-starter. In 1956, with the completion of the ten-year period, the NNC informed the Government of India of the formation of the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN). The NNC rejected the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which provided for the establishment of self-administering 23 24 Samir Kumar Das Autonomous District Councils for the tribal people of the Northeast, and held a plebiscite on the question of Naga independence.
A blow to the Naga insurgent movement: “Foreign support to the Naga rebellion from China and sovereign Nagaland Pakistan also dropped substantially after the creation of Bangladesh, and the defeat of the Pakistan army in 1971” (Bhaumik 2005: 202). The Indian army launched a massive counteroffensive against the Naga underground in 1973 at a time when many cadres of the Naga Federal Army, associated with the FGN, went to China for weapons training and returned with sophisticated arms. The church intervened for the second time in this new outbreak of violence.
Goswami however conceded that she did not get a specific denial when she broached the subject with ULFA chief Paresh Baruah: “He said that they (ULFA cadres) were independent and can have ties with anybody” (quoted in Mohan 2007: 7). Although peace dialogues have been deadlocked with the resumption of army operations on September 24, 2006, and the PCG backing out of the talks, the government has not ruled out the possibility of holding peace dialogues even at the height of army operations. The history of such promised talks with ULFA is as old as the history of war with it.
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