By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of family elites are drastically formed through the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As circumstances from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan express, family elites in postwar societies may possibly hope the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can convey, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they suspect democratic reforms might endanger a few or all in their sizeable pursuits. Costly Democracy bargains comparative analyses of modern circumstances of peacebuilding to deepen figuring out of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions usually convey peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Extra resources for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
Peacebuilders, for their part, want to implement reforms that lead to a liberal peace: They want to deliver services and assistance that will create new institutions that (re)distribute political and economic power in a transparent, accountable, and democratic way. 4 Most importantly, peacebuilders need to minimize casualties; otherwise their governments will lose the support of the electorate. Consequently, peacebuilders may prioritize stability over the kinds of structural reforms necessary to achieve the liberal democracy they desire.
As a result, clientelism is strengthened, while larger parts of the population are excluded from meaningful political participation. This brings us to a fourth reason that elites may be reluctant to embrace democratization. Democratic procedures and good governance can threaten the very foundation on which the authority (and very survival) of many a regime in postconflict states is built: the patron–client network. 14 Clientelistic networks are an endemic feature of weak states; arguably they are the most basic form of governance practiced in countries where infrastructural power is weak.
With regard to democratic outcomes, Namibia leads the pack. It is a stable electoral democracy with sound institutions and the only case in the sample that is rated a liberal democracy by Freedom House. Macedonia, East Timor, and Mozambique are electoral democracies. Tajikistan, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Rwanda are all authoritarian regimes, with Rwanda being the most authoritarian of all. There are also major differences with regard to the intrusiveness of the mission (for a full account, see Chapter 4).
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